The reality of Education in Tanzania
Despite widespread consensus on the significance of education in achieving sustainable development, education in Tanzania (and parts of Sub-Saharan Africa more broadly) is falling short of preparing its students to continue to higher education and employment that offers the potential for socio-economic advancement (Manteaw, 2011). In terms of future employment opportunities and wage expectations, the wage premium offered to secondary education suggests there is indeed a chronic shortage of individuals with secondary qualifications (Tanzania, 2010).Structural faults within Tanzania’s education system and its supporting institutions have limited access to centers of secondary and higher education and leave many students ill-equipped to maneuver the system.
In Tanzania, as in much of Sub-Saharan Africa, government spending leaves secondary schooling severely underfunded. Despite economic growth and an increase in public resources, the education budget in Tanzania increased from 2.5 percent of GDP in FY 2000/01 to just 4.3 percent in FY 2008/09 (Tanzania, 2010). This is below the average of 5 percent of GDP over all of sub-Saharan Africa. Tanzania’s spending on secondary education is 35 percent lower than comparable countries that are as close to achieving universal primary education as Tanzania is. According to government estimates, this already low degree of spending is unlikely to be sustained over the next decade due to the increased priority and demand of competing sectors (e.g. health, agriculture, and infrastructure) (ibid).
At present, Tanzania’s schooling system is structured as a 7-4-2-3 model of education, with primary schooling taking seven years, secondary taking four, high school (Advanced Level) taking two and first degree university studies taking three (Hare, 2007). Students must appear for national examinations at the end of Form 2 (second year of secondary school) and Form 4 (fourth year of secondary school). A recent change in promotion criteria requires that students who do not pass their Form 2 exams repeat the year and retake the examination. If a student does not pass the following year, they will be forced to enter the adult education track without advancing to Form 3, i.e. they have the option to apply for vocational training before entering the employment market. (Prior to this rule coming into effect students were not held back if they did not pass Form 2 examinations.)
Many African governments currently struggle to adapt the educational legacy and systems left by their colonial predecessors to localized needs and concerns (Ouane, 2011). This can be seen in another salient feature of secondary education in Tanzania: the use of English as a medium of instruction. Within primary schooling, students are taught exclusively in Kiswahili - a first or second language for the majority of students - and English is taught as a mandatory foreign language. However, upon entering secondary school, the medium of instruction shifts to English. This abrupt change in the medium of instruction contributes to the use of a teacher-centered pedagogy (TCP) detrimental to meaningful learning. When students are unable to communicate with the instructor, out of fear of punishment or ridicule, they often become less active in classroom activities and rely heavily on rote-learning and other passive modes of instruction (Ouance, 2011). While official curricula heavily advocate a learner-centered pedagogy (LCP), in practice this does not always hold. Despite the fact that syllabi encourage teachers to adopt learn-centered teaching styles, instructors often find it difficult to shift from this model given that students do not have command over the language of instruction and assessment.
Ultimately, these systemic issues result in a great strain on the public school system and on students. Resources are stretched beyond sustainable levels: the student: teacher ratio in secondary schools in Tanzania is at a high 49:1, students face a dearth of learning resources and often times, are compelled to share learning materials with three or more of their peers (Tanzania, 2010). Scarce resources and a lack of adequate guidance from secondary school instructors has resulted in poor retention and graduation rates in secondary schools across Tanzania. The effect is compounded by the low morale generated by the use of TCP. It is estimated that only 49% of appropriately aged children have access to secondary school facilities, while only 23% are able to progress to the final year of the cycle. 5% of appropriately aged students continue on to A’ Levels (ibid).
National exam pass rates are already low and are further expected to drop at the national level (Tanzania, 2010). Being brought into effect as of this year, the requirement to repeat Form 2 upon failure of one’s national exam is expected to increase the number of years students will need to remain in school (and therefore pay tuition) prior to receiving an O’ Level qualification and reduce the age at which students may be forced to enter adult education tracks and/or the employment market.
What are we doing about it?
The school fund, like other on-profits in similar work have realized that enabling students to go to school does little to empower them if they fail high-stakes national examinations in forms 2 and 4. In Tanzania students in form 2 need to pass national examinations in order to be promoted to the next grade level. Students in form 4 who pass national examinations have the opportunity to choose whether or not to go to A levels and remain on track for university study. In 2011 of all students who sat for form 4 examinations, only 22 % passed.
MMM is an after school program that works to battle these odds and increase the number of students that have a chance to pass their exams and succeed in school and their future.
In Tanzania, as in much of Sub-Saharan Africa, government spending leaves secondary schooling severely underfunded. Despite economic growth and an increase in public resources, the education budget in Tanzania increased from 2.5 percent of GDP in FY 2000/01 to just 4.3 percent in FY 2008/09 (Tanzania, 2010). This is below the average of 5 percent of GDP over all of sub-Saharan Africa. Tanzania’s spending on secondary education is 35 percent lower than comparable countries that are as close to achieving universal primary education as Tanzania is. According to government estimates, this already low degree of spending is unlikely to be sustained over the next decade due to the increased priority and demand of competing sectors (e.g. health, agriculture, and infrastructure) (ibid).
At present, Tanzania’s schooling system is structured as a 7-4-2-3 model of education, with primary schooling taking seven years, secondary taking four, high school (Advanced Level) taking two and first degree university studies taking three (Hare, 2007). Students must appear for national examinations at the end of Form 2 (second year of secondary school) and Form 4 (fourth year of secondary school). A recent change in promotion criteria requires that students who do not pass their Form 2 exams repeat the year and retake the examination. If a student does not pass the following year, they will be forced to enter the adult education track without advancing to Form 3, i.e. they have the option to apply for vocational training before entering the employment market. (Prior to this rule coming into effect students were not held back if they did not pass Form 2 examinations.)
Many African governments currently struggle to adapt the educational legacy and systems left by their colonial predecessors to localized needs and concerns (Ouane, 2011). This can be seen in another salient feature of secondary education in Tanzania: the use of English as a medium of instruction. Within primary schooling, students are taught exclusively in Kiswahili - a first or second language for the majority of students - and English is taught as a mandatory foreign language. However, upon entering secondary school, the medium of instruction shifts to English. This abrupt change in the medium of instruction contributes to the use of a teacher-centered pedagogy (TCP) detrimental to meaningful learning. When students are unable to communicate with the instructor, out of fear of punishment or ridicule, they often become less active in classroom activities and rely heavily on rote-learning and other passive modes of instruction (Ouance, 2011). While official curricula heavily advocate a learner-centered pedagogy (LCP), in practice this does not always hold. Despite the fact that syllabi encourage teachers to adopt learn-centered teaching styles, instructors often find it difficult to shift from this model given that students do not have command over the language of instruction and assessment.
Ultimately, these systemic issues result in a great strain on the public school system and on students. Resources are stretched beyond sustainable levels: the student: teacher ratio in secondary schools in Tanzania is at a high 49:1, students face a dearth of learning resources and often times, are compelled to share learning materials with three or more of their peers (Tanzania, 2010). Scarce resources and a lack of adequate guidance from secondary school instructors has resulted in poor retention and graduation rates in secondary schools across Tanzania. The effect is compounded by the low morale generated by the use of TCP. It is estimated that only 49% of appropriately aged children have access to secondary school facilities, while only 23% are able to progress to the final year of the cycle. 5% of appropriately aged students continue on to A’ Levels (ibid).
National exam pass rates are already low and are further expected to drop at the national level (Tanzania, 2010). Being brought into effect as of this year, the requirement to repeat Form 2 upon failure of one’s national exam is expected to increase the number of years students will need to remain in school (and therefore pay tuition) prior to receiving an O’ Level qualification and reduce the age at which students may be forced to enter adult education tracks and/or the employment market.
What are we doing about it?
The school fund, like other on-profits in similar work have realized that enabling students to go to school does little to empower them if they fail high-stakes national examinations in forms 2 and 4. In Tanzania students in form 2 need to pass national examinations in order to be promoted to the next grade level. Students in form 4 who pass national examinations have the opportunity to choose whether or not to go to A levels and remain on track for university study. In 2011 of all students who sat for form 4 examinations, only 22 % passed.
MMM is an after school program that works to battle these odds and increase the number of students that have a chance to pass their exams and succeed in school and their future.